哈里森的“绝命”就职演说（一）？“因为话多，上任1个月死去”，究竟是哪个美国总统如此悲惨

本文目录

• 哈里森的“绝命”就职演说（一）
• “因为话多，上任1个月死去”，究竟是哪个美国总统如此悲惨
• 美国第23任总统是谁
• 盘点美国历史上竞选连任失败的总统：20世纪以来共5位
• 美国总统大多死于非命，为何会有这种说法
• 在历任美国总统中，只上位一体哪还基本都在睡觉的是谁

哈里森的“绝命”就职演说（一）

哈里森出身于弗吉尼亚种植者贵族家庭。 他生于1773年伯克利。父亲本杰明·哈里森曾任弗吉尼亚州长，是《独立宣言》签署人之一。哈里森18岁参军，给安东尼·韦恩将军做副官。1798年任西北地区部长。1798年任新设州——印第安纳州州长。他从印第安人手中夺得3000万英亩土地并入该州。1812年，英军与印第安人联合向印第安那州进犯，美国对英宣战，哈里森作为西北地区联合军司令，取得了泰晤士河战没的胜利。战后历任美国国会众议员、俄亥俄州参议员、美国国会参议员、驻哥伦比亚公使。这位1812年战争中的英雄是在68岁时经过艰苦激烈的竞选才赢得总统职位，然而他却只当了一个月的国家行政长官。1841年3月4日哈里森就职那天正遇上寒流，凛冽寒风中，哈里森用了一个半小时宣读他的就职演说。他的演讲加上几位其他官员的讲话，使参加者长时间领略了华盛顿的寒冷。在就职典礼时感受风寒，后转为肺炎，并且一病不起，在职仅一个月即病故。副总统约翰·泰勒马上继任总统，威廉·亨利·哈里森好像根本就没有当几天总统。他成为美国第一位在白宫去世的总统。他本人无明确政纲，执政期间未采取任何重大行动。今天，尽管历史学家们仍记得哈里森是位优秀的军事指挥家，但关于他是总统的记录就是他是历在位时间最短的总统。 　　THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1841 　　Called from a retirement which I had supposed was to continue for the residue of my life to fill the chief executive office of this great and **** nation, I appear before you, fellow-citizens, to take the oaths which the C***titution prescribes as a necessary qualification for the performance of its duties; and in obedience to a custom coeval with our Government and what I believe to be your expectati*** I proceed to present to you a summary of the principles which will govern me in the discharge of the duties which I shall be called upon to perform. 　　It was the remark of a Roman c***ul in an early period of that celebrated Republic that a most striking contrast was observable in the conduct of candidates for offices of power and trust before and after obtaining them, they seldom carrying out in the latter case the pledges and promises made in the former. However much the world may have improved in many respects in the lapse of upward of two thousand years since the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern elective governments would develop similar instances of violated confidence. 　　Although the fiat of the people has gone forth proclaiming me the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union, nothing upon their part remaining to be done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up the delusion under which they may be supposed to have acted in relation to my principles and opini***; and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have come here either prepared to condemn those I shall now deliver, or, approving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they are now uttered. But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears. The outline of principles to govern and measures to be adopted by an Administration not yet begun will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and I shall stand either exonerated by my countrymen or classed with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive and flattered with the intention to betray. However strong may be my present purpose to realize the expectati*** of a magnanimous and confiding people, I too well understand the dangerous temptati*** to which I shall be exposed from the magnitude of the power which it has been the pleasure of the people to commit to my hands not to place my chief confidence upon the aid of that Almighty Power which has hitherto protected me and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other important but still greatly inferior trusts heretofore confided to me by my country. 　　The broad foundation upon which our C***titution rests being the people——a breath of theirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change, or modify it——it can be assigned to none of the great divisi*** of government but to that of democracy. If such is its theory, those who are called upon to administer it must recognize as its leading principle the duty of shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest number. But with these broad admissi***, if we would compare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our people with the power claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which have been c***idered most purely democratic, we shall find a most essential difference. All others lay claim to power limited only by their own will. The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, possess a sovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which has been granted to them by the parties to the national compact, and nothing beyond. We admit of no government by divine right, believing that so far as power is concerned the Beneficent Creator has made no distinction amongst men; that all are upon an equality, and that the only legitimate right to govern is an express grant of power from the governed. The C***titution of the United States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government. On an examination of that instrument it will be found to contain declarati*** of power granted and of power withheld. The latter is also susceptible of division into power which the majority had the right to grant, but which they do not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed by themselves. In other words, there are certain rights possessed by each individual American citizen which in his compact with the others he has never surrendered. Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our system, unalienable. The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens would c***ole himself under a sentence of death for a supposed violation of the national faith——which no one understood and which at times was the subject of the mockery of all——or the banishment from his home, his family, and his country with or without an alleged cause, that it was the act not of a single tyrant or hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen. Far different is the power of our sovereignty. It can interfere with no one’s faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one’s observance, inflict no punishment but after well-ascertained guilt, the result of investigation under rules prescribed by the C***titution itself. These precious privileges, and those scarcely less important of giving expression to his thoughts and opini***, either by writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to others, and that of a full participation in all the advantages which flow from the Government, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow-man. He claims them because he is himself a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his species and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which He has endowed them. Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty possessed by the people of the United Stages and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all the objects for which it was created. It has been found powerful in war, and hitherto justice has been administered, and intimate union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citizen. As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language and the necessarily sententious manner in which the C***titution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actually granted or was intended to grant. 　　This is more particularly the case in relation to that part of the instrument which treats of the legislative branch, and not only as regards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause giving that body the authority to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the specified powers, but in relation to the latter also. It is, however, c***olatory to reflect that most of the instances of alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the C***titution have ultimately received the sanction of a majority of the people. And the fact that many of our state**en most distinguished for talent and patrioti** have been at one time or other of their political career on both sides of each of the most warmly disputed questi*** forces upon us the inference that the errors, if errors there were, are attributable to the intrinsic difficulty in many instances of ascertaining the intenti*** of the framers of the C***titution rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic motive. But the great danger to our instituti*** does not appear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of power not granted by the people, but by the accumulation in one of the departments of that which was assigned to others. Limited as are the powers which have been granted, still enough have been granted to c***titute a despoti** if concentrated in one of the departments. This danger is greatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men are less jealous of encroachments of one department upon another than upon their own reserved rights. When the C***titution of the United States first came from the hands of the Convention which formed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been granted to the Federal Government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch. There were in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their ideas of a ****** representative democracy or republic, and knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predicti*** were made that at no very remote period the Government would terminate in virtual monarchy. It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been already realized; but as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures and of men’s opini*** for some years past has been in that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency if it really exists and restore the Government to its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effected by any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands. 　　I proceed to state in as summary a manner as I can my opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of and the correctives which may be applied. Some of the former are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the C***titution; others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misc***truction of some of its provisi***. Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to its correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and c***equently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the C***titution may have been the source and the bitter fruits which we are still to gather from it if it continues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, however, as a general remark, that republics can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the lover of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their affairs; and surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust. Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot. When this corrupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold it becomes insatiable. It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth and strengthens with the declining years of its victim. If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer at least to whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relati***, the execution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountable agent, not the principal; the servant, not the master. Until an amendment of the C***titution can be effected public opinion may secure the desired object. I give my aid to it by renewing the pledge heretofore given that under no circumstances will I c***ent to serve a second term. 　　But if there is danger to public liberty from the acknowledged defects of the C***titution in the want of limit to the continuance of the Executive power in the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less from a misc***truction of that instrument as it regards the powers actually given. I can not conceive that by a fair c***truction any or either of its provisi*** would be found to c***titute the President a part of the legislative power. It can not be claimed from the power to recommend, since, although enjoined as a duty upon him, it is a privilege which he holds in common with every other citizen; and although there may be something more of confidence in the propriety of the measures recommended in the one case than in the other, in the obligati*** of ultimate decision there can be no difference. In the language of the C***titution, "all the legislative powers" which it grants "are vested in the Congress of the United States." It would be a soleci** in language to say that any portion of these is not included in the whole.

“因为话多，上任1个月死去”，究竟是哪个美国总统如此悲惨

这位美国总统的名叫威廉·亨利·哈里森，但是客观来说，他的死因并不是因为话多，只能算是一场意外，也正是因为他上任1个月便死去，成为了迄今在职时间最短的美国总统，也让他的知名度也一度大增，让很多人都知道了曾经在美国历史有这样一位总统存在过。

1、威廉·亨利·哈里森个人经历：

威廉·亨利·哈里森出生于1773年，其上面还有6个兄弟姐妹，其是家中最小的一个孩子，他的童年过得并不开兴，因为他正好赶上了美国争取独立的战争时期，当时的世界头号强国是英国，而美国在那个时期还没有完成建国，还是属于英国在北美的殖民地，在英国殖民者一味的压迫之下，北美人民展开了英勇的反击，同时也面临了英国殖民者的武力镇压，大量的北美人民惨被杀戮，童年的哈里森看到这一惨境后从小是想做一名救死扶伤的医生，后来通过自已的努力考上了宾夕法尼亚大学、跟着当时的著名医生本杰明·拉什博士学医。

后来因为建国后的美国依然与英国战争不断，在自已成年18岁以后，哈里森决定弃医参军为祖国效力，进入部队后他在第二次美英战争中表现优异后来成为了一名著名的军事家，在战争结束后退役的哈里森他决定从事政坛，先后担任过美国国会参议员，驻哥伦比亚公使等职位，直至成功当选为美国总统。

2、威廉·亨利·哈里森死因：

赢得总统职位的哈里森当时已经是68岁的高龄，众所周知当上美国总统后第一件事就是要发表就职演说，主要就是介绍自己在任职期间的一些工作重点与想法之类的，当上总统决定要大干一场的哈里森决定要做长达近两个小时的就职演说，但是天公却不作美，这位美国总统在就职典礼演说当天户外天气异常的寒冷，也不知是出于什么原因，这位总统居然没有做好保温措施，但他凭着自已坚强的毅力完成了长时间的演讲，在演讲完成后在外散步的他又淋了一场大雨，遭受双重寒冷后的哈里森因为没有注意爱护自已的身体就感染上了肺炎，当时的医疗条件还不成熟，虽然经过治疗但他的病情却不断加重，在感染上了肺炎一个月后他不幸离世，成为了迄今美国就任时间最短的总统。

美国第23任总统是谁

本杰明·哈里森

本杰明·哈里森是美国第23任总统。他受到良好的教育，毕业于迈阿密大学，毕业后操律师业。南北战争期间参加联邦军，获将军衔。1881年，他成为参议员。1888年，他被共和党提名总统候选人并在竞选中获胜。上台时，美国工业化臻于完成，经济结构发生了历史性变革。哈里森顺应潮流，制定了旨在稳定局势、防止社会动荡的《谢尔曼反托拉斯法》。对外，哈里森积极扩大美国影响，组织召开了第一届泛美会议，成立泛美联盟。哈里森政府还与许多国家签订了贸易互惠协定。

扩展资料：

本杰明·哈里森于1889年就任总统时正值纪念华盛顿总统就职一百周年，因而人们称他为“一百周年纪念”总统。 他出身名门，父亲是国会议员。哈里森本人做过律师和参议员，也是美国南北战争时期的一位名将。他是美国总统中首屈一指的演说家。任期内采取过一些重要的立法措施，在在针对美国总统功绩的排名中，他通常位居中游。

盘点美国历史上竞选连任失败的总统：20世纪以来共5位

自1789年乔治·华盛顿担任美国第1任总统起，至第45任总统特朗普，231年来已有44人担任美国总统职务。其中，担任美国第22任、24任总统的格罗弗ㆍ克利夫兰是至今美国 历史 上唯一一位两度当选且任期不连续的总统。美国总统通常连任8年，但仍然视为同一届总统。据外媒统计，美国 历史 上有10位美国总统在竞选连任时，赢得了所在党派的提名资格，但最终输掉了大选。其中，上一位未能赢得连任的总统是乔治·H·W·布什，他在1992年输给了比尔·克林顿。在2020美国大选结果揭晓前的近28年来，美国还没有一位总统失守过白宫大位。

竞选连任时输掉大选的10位美国总统——

乔治·H·W·布什（在任时间：1989年1月20日—1993年1月20日）

乔治·H·W·布什是美国第41任总统，也是美国最近一位连任失败的总统。1989年接任总统后，老布什打赢了两场战争，有力强化了美国在美洲和中东地区的霸权地位。内政上，老布什的表现却不尽如人意，美国经济当时陷入低迷，失业率高企，老布什在1992年总统选举期间的不满意度为53%，不少选民认为他热衷于国际事务，而对美国内政缺乏关注，以致美国经济表现不佳。最终老布什谋求连任失败，输给民主党候选人比尔·克林顿。

吉米·卡特（在任时间：1977年1月20日—1981年1月20日）

生于乔治亚州的卡特1977年成为美国第39任总统，由于伊朗美国人质事件解决的失败和经济的长期“滞涨”，卡特在1980年竞选连任时败给里根。

杰拉尔德·鲁道夫·福特（在任时间：1974年8月9日—1977年1月20日）

共和党人福特在理查德•尼克松因水门事件辞职后成为美国总统，他任职于1974年至1977年，是美国 历史 上第一位非选举总统，在1976年的大选中被吉米·卡特击败，赦免尼克松被认为是导致其竞选失利的主要因素。

赫伯特•克拉克·胡佛（在任时间：1929年3月4日—1933年3月4日）

胡佛或许是美国 历史 上最悲情的总统之一，在他当选总统之后，仅仅过了7个月，美国股市就突然崩盘，继而拉开了历时10年之久的“经济大萧条”的序幕。1932年大选时的美国正陷于严峻的经济危机深渊，经济不景和民怨沸腾最终导致胡佛选举大败，并被罗斯福一方指责为无能之辈。

威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱（在任时间：1909年3月4日—1913年3月4日）

塔夫脱是美国 历史 上唯一一位同时担任过美国总统和首席**官的人。他从1909年到1913年担任美国第27任总统，在1912年的总统选举中败给了托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊。大多数 历史 学家认为他是一位普通的总统，因为他执政的四年并不引人注目。

格罗弗·克利夫兰（在任时间：1885年3月4日—1889年3月4日；1893年3月4日—1897年3月4日）

克利夫兰是至今美国 历史 上唯一一位两度当选且任期不连续的总统。他于1885-1889年、1893-1897年担任美国第22任、24任总统。1888年在竞选连任时，克利夫兰输给了共和党的本杰明·哈里森。哈里森在之后的四年中一直担任总统。1892年，克利夫兰击败哈里森，重新赢得总统职位。在后世看来，克利夫兰是最好的无名总统。1896年，时任清朝文华殿大学士、直隶总督李鸿章率团访问美国，并得到当时担任美国总统的克利夫兰的热情接待。

本杰明·哈里森（在任时间：1889年3月4日—1893年3月4日）

哈里森在1888年作为共和党的总统候选人，击败了格罗弗·克利夫兰而当选美国第23任总统，他的祖父威廉·亨利·哈里森是美国第9任总统。1892年竞选连任时，哈里森输给了再次竞选总统的民主党人克利夫兰。

马丁·范布伦（在 任 时间：1837年3月4日—1841年3月4日）

马丁·范布伦是美国第8任总统，也是《美国独立宣言》正式签署后出生的第一位总统。1832年范布伦被提名为杰克逊的副总统，并于1835年被提名为总统候选人。1836年，范布伦击败辉格党（现共和党前身）的四名对手，当选为总统。四年后竞选连任未成。

约翰·昆西·亚当斯（在任时间：1825年3月4日—1829年3月4日）

约翰·昆西·亚当斯是美国第二任总统约翰·亚当斯的长子，也是美国第6任总统。在他担任总统期间，他所在的党内出现严重分歧，这使他无法取得很大进展。亚当斯连任失败后，民主党和辉格党分道扬镳。亚当斯成为 历史 上第二位未能连任的美国总统。

约翰·亚当斯（在任时间：1797年3月4日—1801年3月4日）

约翰·亚当斯是 历史 上第一位未能连任的美国总统，他曾担任过美国第一任副总统。其后接替乔治·华盛顿成为美国第二任总统，1800年竞选总统时被托马斯·杰斐逊击败。

美国总统大多死于非命，为何会有这种说法

因为每隔20年就会有一个总统被暗杀。

在美国，有一个特别的诅咒听起来特别不可思议。长期以来，人们一直为某些不可思议的事情负责，但是这种诅咒在美国已有数百年的历史了。这个诅咒是有充分理由的，来自北美大陆的美洲印第安人的诅咒。据传说，这种诅咒影响到美国总统，导致美国每20年有一位总统去世。诅咒并非没有根据。这种诅咒是由于美国种族歧视的残酷造成的，在美国人统治该国之后，一些美国军官为了做出贡献，组成了印第安人的算盘。

1812年，一名美国军官率领一支美军士兵在印第安人没有任何防御的情况下进行了大屠杀。那是一场可怕的大屠杀，使这位军官在美国名声大振，后来成为美国总统。尽管他获得了名利双收，但在他去世之前，他还惹恼了印度部落首领 ，他发下诅咒，用来诅咒美国总统。最初，很多人都觉得这个诅咒是假的，但是美国每次在总统任期内都会有异常死亡，这使人们不得不相信这是美国所有人的诅咒，也是对总统的报应。

这个诅咒已经实现了160多年，许多当选的美国总统都去世了。哈里森总统因病去世，哈里森是在美国人眼中击败印第安人的英雄，但他所做的不仅仅是失败。他残酷的屠杀给美国总统带来了诅咒。1841年，哈里森被正式任命为总统一个月之久，死于突发疾病。林肯总统在暗杀中去世，每当我们提到林肯总统的时候都会想起他在美国南北战争期间所做的贡献。但这也是由于内战， 1861年，林肯被暗杀并被杀害。加菲尔德总统在1881年，这位总统因暗杀而去世。这些总统都是每隔20年就被暗杀死亡，所以很多人都觉得不可思议。

在历任美国总统中，只上位一体哪还基本都在睡觉的是谁

美国虽然建国短短二百年的时间，但是却有不少杰出的领袖人物，带领美国走向世界强国。除去领袖人物本身在位之时所做的政绩来看，其背后的趣闻轶事，更是被后人津津乐道，更有无数学者为此专门探索。

虽然如今美国在世界上处于领先地位，但若是细看44位总统的结局，不免有些令人唏嘘。这其中就有五位总统并非是正常死亡，而是因为刺杀或者是谋害。除去意外死亡的总统，更有一位总统令人捧腹不已，而且他的上位纯属是意外。

总统的获选

相比于其他执政时间长，在位有所功绩的总统，哈里森竞选总统也是名正言顺，更是符合了人民投票的意愿，而这一切与哈里森出生的家庭情况有关。哈里森本身便是出生于贵族家庭，而且父亲不仅是独立宣言的签署人之一，更是担任过州长的职位。从小对于政治的耳濡目染，使得哈里森逐渐踏入政治界。

但是初始之初，哈里森最先加入的是军队，而其中的战绩，便是在第二次美英战争之中。或许正是有了这一次显著的战绩，使得哈里森的政治平步青云，在竞争之中，无数次打败对手，国会代表，州长、议员等重要官职先后被哈里森囊括其中。这一路上，哈里森在政治界开始名声大噪，更是赢得了1840年的总统竞选。不过相比于其他就职总统，当时的哈里森已经将近古稀之年。

总统演讲

如同中国皇帝的继位大典仪式一般，需要钦天监选出黄道吉日，更是得挑选天气。而美国总统的就职演讲也如此，不过美国总统的就职演讲一般是在当选的一个月之后发表，其中目的便是为了让总统有更充分的准备。与此同时，可以利用一个月的时间，对自己做出一些相应的调整，适应总统就职办公的环境以及对相应人员的调动。

但是尽善尽美的总统演讲，却在1841年3月4号出现了天气问题。因为当时还属于冬季和春季的交替时间段，冬日的寒冷还未散去，春日的温和也没有体现，天气的忽冷忽热为这一次演讲雪上加霜。

若是当时哈里森凭借着天气的情况，穿着一些稍显臃肿的大衣，也不至于沦落到最后的结局。但是俗话说新官上任三把火，哈里森为了表示自己的美国民族精神，毅然抛弃了沉重的冬衣，仅仅凭借着一件单衣在寒风之中演讲长达一个半小时。

哈里森的出发点是为了激励美国人民的士气，但是却罔顾了自己的身体情况。78岁的老人又怎么能够抵得过冬日的寒冷，果然在任职演讲结束之后，哈里森便患上了重感冒，随后又引发了肺炎，最后导致4月4号因为医治无效而去世。

一天总统

但是哈里森的趣闻绝对不是让人最捧腹大笑的一个，如美国最悲催的一天总统艾奇逊，上位仅仅是因为总统不在位，自己没有办法只得顶替一天。

事件起因是1849年，美国的第11位总统正式卸任，第12位总统开始了自己的执政生涯。而同样按照惯例，在就职一个月之后要发表总统演讲。但是演讲时间3月4号正好是个星期日，而扎卡里泰勒乃是一个虔诚的信徒，星期日这几天是正好要做礼拜的时间，自然是不可冒犯，所以需要将演讲时间改到3月5号。

如此一来，3月4号前去教堂做祷告的总统，就使得这一天的总统职位空缺。而根据美国当时所制定的宪法，总统或者是副总统临时缺位的话，那么就得由参议院临时议长代替行使总统的权力。可怜当时的临时议长艾奇逊16次当选临时议长，似乎要永远与总统失之交臂。但是没有想到仅仅因为总统职位的空缺，艾奇逊便阴差阳错地当上了这一天的总统。

因为第一件事确实是不可思议，事后还有媒体专门进行采访，询问在一天的认识生涯之中所干的大事。但是没有想到的是，因为在国会之中工作太忙而导致长期没有休息的艾奇逊，竟然任职的一天之内都在睡觉，并没有干出什么大事。